By CALVIN WOODWARD
Associated Press Writer
No one in the Republican presidential race talks more about middle-class tax relief than Mitt Romney. The twist: His view of who fits into the middle class is more expansive than most.
Romney's middle class includes people making $200,000 a year, judging by the intersection of his rhetoric and tax plan.
His rhetoric:
--"We're going to have to reduce taxes on middle-income Americans immediately."
--"We must improve America's global competitiveness and unleash the American economy by rolling back tax rates across the board, eliminating taxes on middle class savings, making the Bush tax cuts permanent, lowering the corporate tax rate, making health care expenses tax deductible and eliminating the death tax once and for all."
--"Zero rate on middle class savings," he says, "to make it easier for the middle class to save."
--"They say we ought to be able to get a reduction on the burden on the middle class. And that hasn't been done."
Romney underscored the point in the South Carolina debate Thursday night, as he does in speeches and in his platform. Other GOP candidates, too, want to preserve President Bush's expiring tax cuts for people of all incomes. That inevitably saves rich people the most dollars if relieving people of moderate income of a noticeable share of their tax burden.
Nor is Romney alone in wanting to get rid of the estate tax.
But the former Massachusetts governor goes beyond that to say "anyone" with adjusted gross income under $200,000 -- that's after certain deductions -- should be relieved of all taxes on capital gains, interest and dividends, pushing his definition of the middle class well into six-figure incomes.
Democratic presidential candidates, too, can be loose in defining the middle class -- in the other direction.
They propose to pay for their expensive programs mainly by raising taxes on people making more than $200,000. But their categories of tax cuts are geared to the working poor and the elderly, even if they are couched as middle-class relief.
Illinois Sen. Barack Obama has also spoken of a tax increase on people making much less than $200,000. Specifically, he's open to raising the ceiling on the Social Security tax so people making more than $97,500 have to pay it. New York Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton won't rule out doing the same, or something similar. Their Democratic rival, former Sen. John Edwards, would keep people making under $200,000 clear of higher payroll taxes.
Among Republicans, former Sen. Fred Thompson said in the debate that special tax relief for lower income workers might be called for at some point. More broadly, he proposes letting people choose between the current system and a 10 percent flat rate after deductions on the first $50,000 per taxpayer -- 25 percent above that.
Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee wants to replace income and investment taxes with a 23 percent sales tax, with cushions for the poor and for necessities.
Former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani aims his distinctive cuts at the corporate tax, arguing that's one level of tax reduction that pays for itself, while Arizona Sen. John McCain, says Bush tax cuts he opposed at the start -- because they were not tied to spending cuts -- should be kept because everyone now counts on them.
He'd keep capital gains and dividends taxes where they are but he'd eliminate the alternative minimum tax, thereby helping rich people as well as many middle-class people being drawn into that tax.
There is no accepted standard of what constitutes the middle class.
California State economist Anil Puri says the "middle-middle class" could be understood to include households taking in $35,200 to $52,800, which is 80 percent to 120 percent of the national median income.
But he conceded that's not a perfect definition because "such middle class households cannot actually afford the middle class lifestyles."